In the tribal heartlands of Chhattisgarh, particularly in districts like Kanker within the Bastar division, a central law designed to strengthen Adivasi self-governance is being repurposed in ways its framers likely never intended. The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996—commonly known as PESA—has become the legal basis for gram sabhas (village assemblies) to impose restrictions on Christian religious activities, citing the need to protect indigenous culture and traditions.
PESA was enacted to restore autonomy to Adivasi communities in areas listed under the Fifth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. It empowers gram sabhas with authority over local development, resource management, minor minerals, and crucially, the preservation of traditions, customs, cultural identity, and community resources under clause 4(d). In Chhattisgarh, rules for its implementation were notified only in 2022. While many Adivasis remain unaware of its full potential, the cultural protection provisions have been invoked vigorously in recent years.
Since around June 2024, several villages have passed resolutions and erected prominent hoardings banning the entry of Christian pastors, priests, missionaries, and sometimes “converted Christians” from outside. These boards explicitly reference PESA and the goal of safeguarding Adivasi heritage. The movement has been most visible in Kanker district, with villages such as Kudal (one of the first to act), Musurputta, Pairvi, and others putting up such notices. In some cases, resolutions have extended to denying Christians access to rations, shops, government schemes, caste certificates, and even common lands or forest resources.
Village leaders and sarpanchs argue that Christianity threatens core Adivasi practices—particularly among Gond or Koitur communities following Koya Punem traditions. Converts are often accused of abandoning ancestral deities, rituals, festivals, and community contributions. One sarpanch in Kudal noted that after conversions, people stop worshipping traditional deities and disengage from village customs. Supporters of these measures view them as precautionary steps to prevent cultural erosion. Hindu nationalist and some Adivasi organizations have amplified these concerns, promoting “ghar wapsi” (reconversion) efforts and tracking changes in faith within communities.
The human cost has been significant. Christian Adivasi families report social boycotts, economic isolation, and pressure to reconvert. In extreme cases, such as Bade Tevda village in December 2024, a Christian sarpanch’s father was denied traditional burial rites; villagers exhumed the body after it was buried on private land, leading to violence, arson against the family home and a small church, and eventual administrative intervention. Families in other villages like Salebhaat and Mandri have faced expulsion, loss of forest rights titles, or ultimatums to choose between faith and land. Some displaced Christians now live in makeshift settlements on the outskirts of towns.
Perspectives differ sharply. Many Christians describe their conversions as voluntary, often linked to escaping internal caste-like discrimination or finding supportive communities. Some Adivasi leaders acknowledge that external religions, including Hinduism, also influence traditions but question why only Christianity faces organized opposition. Activists point out a striking inconsistency: PESA’s provisions on land rights and resource consent are frequently ignored amid mining and deforestation pressures, yet cultural clauses are enforced swiftly against Christian presence.
Courts have largely sided with the gram sabhas. In October 2025, the Chhattisgarh High Court upheld the hoardings as constitutional measures to protect indigenous heritage and directed petitioners to approach gram sabhas or sub-divisional officers under PESA rules. The Supreme Court dismissed appeals in February 2026, reinforcing this approach without delving deeper into the merits.
This development occurs against a backdrop of growing evangelical activity in Bastar and parallel strengthening of anti-conversion legislation. In March 2026, Chhattisgarh passed a stricter Freedom of Religion law, which critics fear will compound social tensions. Adivasi society itself shows internal rifts: traditional faith practitioners versus converts, with broader debates over whether Adivasi religions should be recognized distinctly (as in Sarna or Donyi Polo movements elsewhere) rather than subsumed under Hinduism.
PESA remains a powerful but unevenly applied tool. Its selective use in Chhattisgarh highlights the challenges of balancing tribal autonomy, cultural preservation, and individual rights in a diverse democracy. While gram sabhas exercise powers granted by law, the resulting ostracism raises questions about whether such measures truly empower communities or merely deepen divisions. As one activist observed, the system suddenly recognizes PESA when religion is involved, but often fails to do so for land and livelihood issues that affect Adivasis daily.
The situation in Kanker and surrounding areas continues to evolve, with reports of ongoing pressure for reconversion and calls for dialogue from both sides. How India reconciles constitutional freedoms with tribal self-rule will likely shape the future of such conflicts in scheduled areas.
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