India’s Explosive Link: How Over Half a Million Munitions Components Reached Israel
A detailed investigation by Amnesty International has laid bare the scale of India’s contribution to Israel’s defence supply chain during the ongoing conflict in Gaza. Released in late July 2026, the report titled Made in India: The Supply of Weapons and Ammunition to Israel documents 2,596 shipments of military-related goods from India to Israel between 7 October 2023 and 30 November 2025. Among the most striking figures are the more than 564,970 components of explosive ordnance — including artillery shell casings, drone warheads and related parts — that Indian companies supplied to major Israeli defence firms.
These numbers have fuelled the headline claims of “500,000+ explosives” and a “secret defence deal.” While the transfers were not conducted in total secrecy, they occurred largely outside intense public scrutiny and continued even after international courts and human rights organisations issued repeated warnings about the conduct of Israeli military operations in Gaza.
The Scale of the Supply Chain
Amnesty’s researchers examined customs data, shipping records and corporate filings to reconstruct the flow of material. They identified at least 390,516 small-arms components intended for military-grade weapons, 564,970 explosive ordnance parts, and 298 military vehicle components. The organisation stressed that its methodology was deliberately conservative, excluding dual-use items and products whose military application could not be clearly established.
The recipients were not obscure intermediaries. Large volumes went to Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems — three of Israel’s primary defence contractors that supply the Israel Defense Forces. Specific items flagged in the report include components for 155 mm high-explosive artillery shells, explosive warheads for SkyStriker loitering munitions (similar to those recovered from debris in Khan Younis), machine-gun parts, and armoured vehicle components.
Indian Companies in the Spotlight
Nine Indian companies feature prominently in the findings. Three are public-sector undertakings created after the restructuring of the Ordnance Factory Board in 2021 and remain under the direct control of the Ministry of Defence. Munitions India Limited is recorded as having exported 155 mm high-explosive artillery rounds to Elbit Systems. Advanced Weapons and Equipment India Limited supplied mortar launchers.
Private players also played significant roles. PLR Systems, a joint venture between Adani Defence & Aerospace and Israel Weapon Industries, exported thousands of parts for Negev machine guns and bolt carriers. Indo-MIM shipped large quantities of automatic sears — components that enable fully automatic fire. Kalyani Strategic Systems, a subsidiary of Bharat Forge, supplied bodies for 155 mm artillery shells. Alpha Elsec Defence & Aerospace Systems, another Elbit joint venture, provided explosive warheads. Premier Explosives Limited, a long-standing exporter of propellants and explosives, has been linked to earlier shipments of rocket motors and specialised explosives.
These companies operated under Indian export control regulations, including the Special Chemicals, Organisms, Materials, Equipment and Technologies (SCOMET) list administered by the Directorate General of Foreign Trade. Licences were issued, and the government has not indicated any suspension of existing approvals.
Historical Context and Strategic Calculus
India and Israel established full diplomatic relations in 1992. Since then, defence cooperation has become one of the strongest pillars of the bilateral relationship. For years India was primarily a buyer: Israeli systems, from drones and missiles to radar and border security technology, filled critical gaps in India’s inventory. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, India accounted for roughly 29 per cent of Israel’s arms exports between 2020 and 2025, making it Israel’s largest single customer in that period.
The relationship has gradually become more reciprocal. Indian firms have moved from pure assembly and licensed production into the supply of components, propellants and intermediate products that feed Israeli manufacturing lines. Joint ventures have proliferated. What was once a one-way technology transfer has evolved into a two-way industrial partnership.
Indian policymakers view this partnership through a hard-nosed strategic lens. Israel has proved a reliable supplier of advanced systems less constrained by the political conditions often attached by Western partners. Counter-terrorism technology, precision munitions and intelligence-sharing arrangements are seen as directly relevant to India’s own security challenges. Successive governments in New Delhi have treated defence trade with Israel as a sovereign decision rather than a matter for public referendum.
Earlier Warnings and Specific Shipments
The Amnesty report builds on earlier reporting. In 2024, Al Jazeera and other outlets documented specific consignments, including a vessel that left Chennai carrying rocket engines, rockets with explosive charges, and specialised explosives. Spanish authorities at one point refused docking permission to a ship carrying Indian-origin military cargo bound for Israel. Premier Explosives publicly acknowledged revenue from Israeli orders during investor calls, describing itself as a specialised exporter of fully assembled rocket motors and related energetic materials.
Despite these disclosures and the International Court of Justice’s provisional measures in January 2024 concerning the situation in Gaza, Indian exports continued. Amnesty argues that the persistence of these transfers, in the face of clear public warnings about the risk of international crimes, places India at risk of legal complicity under the law of state responsibility.
Domestic and International Reactions
Within India the findings have produced familiar political divides. Opposition voices have accused the government of prioritising commercial and strategic ties over transparency and humanitarian considerations. Ruling party spokespersons have countered that defence cooperation with Israel is neither new nor clandestine, and that India has never joined unilateral arms embargoes. They note that India continues to import critical Israeli systems even as it exports certain categories of components.
Internationally, human rights organisations have called for a comprehensive arms embargo on Israel that would cover parts, components and dual-use items. Amnesty has specifically urged the Indian government to suspend all transfers that could contribute to violations of international humanitarian law. As of the report’s release, there was no indication that New Delhi intended to alter its policy.
Broader Implications
The episode highlights a structural shift in India’s defence industry. After decades of import dependence, Indian public and private sector firms are increasingly capable of producing high-volume intermediate products — artillery casings, explosive components, small-arms parts and propellants — that find markets abroad. This capability strengthens India’s position as a defence manufacturing hub under the “Make in India” and “Atmanirbhar Bharat” frameworks. It also exposes New Delhi to greater geopolitical friction when those products reach conflict zones under intense international scrutiny.
The India-Israel defence relationship is unlikely to unravel. Both countries derive clear strategic benefits, and the industrial linkages are now deeply embedded. What the Amnesty investigation has done is make the scale of the upstream supply chain visible. More than half a million explosive ordnance components, nearly 400,000 small-arms parts, and thousands of other military items moved from Indian factories to Israeli defence contractors during more than two years of intense conflict. That fact is now part of the public record.
Whether greater transparency, tighter end-use monitoring, or formal policy reviews follow remains an open question. For the moment, the data shows that India’s role in Israel’s wartime industrial ecosystem has been more substantial — and more continuous — than many outside specialist circles previously understood.
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